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Theodore Kaczynski
Born	May 22, 1942 (1942-05-22) (age 66) Chicago, Illinois, United States
Alias(es)	The Unabomber
Penalty	Life imprisonment
Status	Incarcerated
Occupation	Mathematician, assistant professor

Theodore John Kaczynski IPA: /kəˈzɪnski/ (born May 22, 1942), also known as the Unabomber, is an American mathematician and eventual neo-Luddite social critic who carried out a campaign of mail bombings. He was born in Chicago, Illinois, where as an intellectual child prodigy, he excelled in academics from an early age. Kaczynski received an undergraduate degree from Harvard University and earned a PhD in mathematics from the University of Michigan. He became an assistant professor at the University of California, Berkeley at age 25 but resigned two years later.

In 1971, he moved to a remote cabin without electricity or running water, in Lincoln, Montana, where he began to learn survival skills in an attempt to become self-sufficient.^[1] He decided to start a bombing campaign after watching the wilderness around his home get destroyed by development.^[1] From 1978 to 1995, Kaczynski sent 16 bombs to targets including universities and airlines, killing three people and injuring 23. Kaczynski sent a letter to The New York Times on April 24, 1995 and promised "to desist from terrorism" if the Times or The Washington Post published his manifesto. In his Industrial Society and Its Future (also called the "Unabomber Manifesto"), he argued that his bombings were extreme but necessary to attract attention to the erosion of human freedom necessitated by modern technologies requiring large-scale organization.

The Unabomber was the target of one of the most expensive investigations in the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) history. Before Kaczynski's identity was known, the FBI used the handle "UNABOM" ("UNiversity and Airline BOMber") to refer to his case, which resulted in the media calling him the Unabomber. Despite the FBI's efforts, he was not caught as a result of this investigation. Instead, his brother recognized Ted's style of writing and beliefs from the manifesto, and tipped off the FBI. To avoid the death penalty, Kaczynski's lawyers entered into a plea agreement, under which he pled guilty and was sentenced to life in prison with no possibility of parole.

Contents 1 Early life 2 Career 3 Life In Montana 4 Bombings 4.1 Initial bombings 4.2 Casualties 4.3 List of bombings 5 Manifesto 5.1 Psychological analysis 5.2 Historical analysis 5.3 Related works 6 Search 7 Arrest 8 Court proceedings 9 Life in prison 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 13 Bibliography 14 External links

[edit] Early life

Kaczynski was born on May 22, 1942, in Chicago, Illinois to second-generation Polish Americans Theodore Richard Kaczynski and wife Wanda Dombek.^[2] From grades one through four, Kaczynski attended Sherman Elementary School in Chicago. He attended grades five through eight at Evergreen Park Central school.^[3] As a result of testing conducted in the fifth grade which determined he had an intelligence quotient of 167,^[4] he was allowed to skip the sixth grade and enroll in the seventh grade. Kaczynski described this as a pivotal event in his life. He recalled not fitting in with the older children and being subjected to their verbal abuse and teasing. As a child, Kaczynski had a fear of people and buildings, and played beside other children rather than interacting with them. His mother was so worried by his poor social development that she considered entering him in a study for autistic children led by Bruno Bettelheim.^[3]

He attended high school at Evergreen Park Community High School. Kaczynski did well academically, but found the mathematics too simple during his sophomore year. He was subsequently placed in a more advanced math class. Kaczynski quickly mastered the material, and skipped the eleventh grade. With the help of a summer school course for English, he completed his high school education when he was 15. He was encouraged to apply to Harvard University, and was subsequently accepted as a student beginning in Fall 1958 at the age of 16. While at Harvard, Kaczynski was taught by famed logician Willard Quine, scoring at the top of Quine's class with a 98.9% final grade. He also participated in a multiple-year personality study conducted by Dr. Henry Murray, an expert on stress interviews.^[3]

Students in Murray's Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)-sponsored study were told they would be debating personal philosophy with a fellow student.^[5] Instead, they were subjected to the stress test, which was an extremely stressful and prolonged psychological attack by an anonymous attorney. During the test, students were strapped into a chair and connected to electrodes that monitored their physiological reactions, while facing bright lights and a two-way mirror. This was filmed, and students' expressions of impotent rage were played back to them several times later in the study. According to Chase, Kaczynski's records from that period suggest he was emotionally stable when the study began. Kaczynski's lawyers attributed some of his emotional instability and dislike of mind control to his participation in this study.^[5][6]

[edit] Career

Kaczynski graduated from Harvard in 1962 and subsequently attended the University of Michigan, where he earned a master's degree and a PhD in mathematics.^[3] Kaczynski's specialty was a branch of complex analysis known as geometric function theory. He earned his PhD with his thesis entitled "Boundary Functions" by solving, in less than a year, a math problem that was unsolved by one of his professors at Michigan, George Piranian, who later commented on Kaczynski by saying, "It is not enough to say he was smart."^[7] Maxwell Reade, a retired math professor who served on Kaczynski's dissertation committee, also commented on his thesis by noting, "I would guess that maybe 10 or 12 people in the country understood or appreciated it."^[8] In 1967, Kaczynski won the University of Michigan's $100 Sumner B. Myers Prize, which recognized his dissertation as the school's best in mathematics that year.^[8] While a graduate student at Michigan, he held a National Science Foundation fellowship and taught undergraduates for three years. He also published two articles related to his dissertation in mathematical journals, and four more after leaving Michigan later.^[9]

Kaczynski became an assistant professor of mathematics at the University of California, Berkeley in Fall 1967. This was short-lived however; Kaczynski resigned from his position without explanation in 1969 at age 26. The chairman of the mathematics department, J. W. Addison, called this a "sudden and unexpected" resignation,^[10] while vice chairman Calvin Moore said that given Kaczynski's "impressive" thesis and record of publications, "he could have advanced up the ranks and been a senior member of the faculty today."^[11]

[edit] Life In Montana

In Summer 1969, Kaczynski moved into his parents' small residence in Lombard, Illinois. Two years later, he moved into a remote cabin he built himself in Lincoln, Montana where he lived a simple life on very little money, without electricity or running water. Kaczynski worked odd jobs and received financial support from his family, which he used to purchase his land and, without their knowledge, would later use to fund his bombing campaign. In 1978, he worked very briefly with his father and brother at a foam-rubber factory.^[8]

Kaczynski's original goal was to move out to a secluded place and become self-sufficient so that he could live autonomously. He began to teach himself survival skills such as tracking, edible plant identification, and how to construct primitive technologies such as bow drills.^[1] However, he quickly realized that it was not possible for him to live that way, as a result of watching the wild land around him get destroyed by development and industry.^[1] He performed isolated acts of monkeywrenching initially, targeted at the developments near his cabin. The ultimate catalyst which drove him to begin his campaign of bombings, was when he went out for a walk to one of his favorite wild spots and it had been destroyed and replaced with a road. About this, he said:

The best place, to me, was the largest remnant of this plateau that dates from the tertiary age. It's kind of rolling country, not flat, and when you get to the edge of it you find these ravines that cut very steeply in to cliff-like drop-offs and there was even a waterfall there. It was about a two days hike from my cabin. That was the best spot until the summer of 1983. That summer there were too many people around my cabin so I decided I needed some peace. I went back to the plateau and when I got there I found they had put a road right through the middle of it" His voice trails off; he pauses, then continues, "You just can't imagine how upset I was. It was from that point on I decided that, rather than trying to acquire further wilderness skills, I would work on getting back at the system. Revenge.

—Ted Kaczynski, ^[1]

He began dedicating himself to reading about sociology and books on political philosophy, such as the works of Jacques Ellul and also stepped up his campaign of monkeywrenching. He soon came to the conclusion however, that more violent methods would be the only solution to what he saw as the problem of industrial civilization. He says that he lost faith in the idea of reform, and saw violent collapse as the only way to bring down the techno-industrial system.^[1] About the idea of a peaceful, reformist means of taking it down he said:

I don't think it can be done. In part because of the human tendency, for most people, there are exceptions, to take the path of least resistance. They'll take the easy way out, and giving up your car, your television set, your electricity, is not the path of least resistance for most people. As I see it, I don't think there is any controlled or planned way in which we can dismantle the industrial system. I think that the only way we will get rid of it is if it breaks down and collapses ... The big problem is that people don't believe a revolution is possible, and it is not possible precisely because they do not believe it is possible. To a large extent I think the eco-anarchist movement is accomplishing a great deal, but I think they could do it better... The real revolutionaries should separate themselves from the reformers… And I think that it would be good if a conscious effort was being made to get as many people as possible introduced to the wilderness. In a general way, I think what has to be done is not to try and convince or persuade the majority of people that we are right, as much as try to increase tensions in society to the point where things start to break down. To create a situation where people get uncomfortable enough that they’re going to rebel. So the question is how do you increase those tensions?

—Ted Kaczynski, ^[1]

[edit] Bombings

[edit] Initial bombings

The first mail bomb was sent in late May 1978 to materials engineering professor Buckley Crist at Northwestern University. The package was found in a parking lot at the University of Illinois at Chicago, with Crist's return address. The package was "returned" to Crist. However, when Crist received the package, he noticed that it had not been addressed in his own handwriting. Suspicious of a package he had not sent, he contacted campus policeman Terry Marker, who opened the package—it exploded immediately. Although Marker only received minimal injuries, his left hand was damaged enough to require medical assistance at Evanston Hospital.^[12]

The bomb was made of metal that could have come from a home workshop. The primary component was a piece of metal pipe, about 1 inch (25 mm) in diameter and 9 inches (230 mm) long. The bomb contained smokeless explosive powders, and the box and the plugs that sealed the pipe ends were hand crafted from wood. In comparison, most pipe bombs usually use threaded metal ends that can be bought in many hardware stores. Wooden ends do not have the strength to allow a large amount of pressure to build within the pipe, explaining why the bomb did not cause severe damage. The primitive trigger device that the bomb employed was a nail, tensioned by rubber bands designed to slam into six common match heads when the box was opened. The match heads would immediately burst into flame and ignite the explosive powders. However, when the trigger hit the match heads, only three ignited. A more efficient technique, later employed by Kaczynski, would be to use batteries and heat filament wire to ignite the explosives faster and more effectively.^[13]

The initial 1978 bombing was followed by bombs sent to airline officials, and in 1979 a bomb was placed in the cargo hold of American Airlines Flight 444, a Boeing 727 flying from Chicago to Washington, D.C. The bomb began smoking, forcing the pilot to make an emergency landing. Many of the passengers were treated for smoke inhalation. Only a faulty timing mechanism prevented the bomb from exploding. Authorities said it had enough firepower to "obliterate the plane".^[12]

As bombing an airliner is a federal crime in the United States, the FBI became involved after this incident and came up with the code name UNABOM (UNiversity and Airline BOMber). It also called the suspect the Junkyard Bomber because of the material used to make the bombs. In 1980, chief agent John Douglas working with agents in the FBI's Behavioral Sciences Unit issued a psychological profile of the unidentified bomber which described the offender as a man with above-average intelligence with connections to academia. This profile was later refined to characterize the offender as a neo-Luddite holding an academic degree in the hard sciences, but this psychologically based profile was discarded in 1993 in favor of an alternative theory developed by FBI analysts concentrating on the physical evidence in recovered bomb fragments. In this rival profile, the bomber suspect was characterized as a blue-collar airplane mechanic.^[14] A hot line at 1-800-701-BOMB was set up by the UNABOM Task Force to take any calls related to the Unabomber investigation, with a $1 million reward for anyone who could provide information leading to the Unabomber's capture.^[15]

[edit] Casualties

The first serious injury occurred in 1985, when John Hauser, a graduate student and Captain in the United States Air Force, lost four fingers and vision in one eye.^[16] The bombs were all hand-crafted and made with wooden parts.^[17] Inside the bombs, certain parts carried the inscription "FC", initials which the bomber asserted stood for "Freedom Club". A California computer store owner, 38-year-old Hugh Scrutton, was killed by a nail and splinter-loaded bomb lying in his parking lot in 1985. A similar attack against a computer store occurred in Salt Lake City, Utah on February 20, 1987, injuring Gary Wright, whom Ted's brother later befriended.^[18]

After a six-year break, Kaczynski struck again in 1993, mailing a bomb to David Gelernter, a computer science professor at Yale University. Though critically injured, he eventually recovered. Another bomb mailed in the same weekend was sent to the home of geneticist Charles Epstein from University of California, San Francisco, who lost multiple fingers upon opening it. Kaczynski then called Gelernter's brother, Joel Gelernter, a behavioral geneticist, and threatened "[y]ou are next". Geneticist Phillip Sharp at Massachusetts Institute of Technology also received a threatening letter two years later.^[19] Kaczynski wrote a letter to The New York Times claiming that his "group", called FC, was responsible for the attacks. In 1994, Burson-Marsteller executive Thomas J. Mosser was killed by a mail bomb sent to his North Caldwell, New Jersey home. In another letter to The New York Times Kaczynski claimed that FC "blew up Thomas Mosser because [...] Burston-Marsteller [sic] helped Exxon clean up its public image after the Exxon Valdez incident" and, more importantly, because "its business is the development of techniques for manipulating people's attitudes."^[20] This was followed by the 1995 murder of Gilbert Murray, president of the timber industry lobbying group California Forestry Association, by a mail bomb actually addressed to previous president William Dennison, who had retired.^[19]

In all, 16 bombs—which injured 23 people and killed three—were attributed to Kaczynski. While the devices varied widely through the years, all but the first few contained the initials "FC". Latent fingerprints on some of the devices did not match the fingerprints found on letters attributed to Kaczynski. As stated in the FBI affidavit:

203. Latent fingerprints attributable to devices mailed and/or placed by the UNABOM subject were compared to those found on the letters attributed to Theodore Kaczynski. According to the FBI Laboratory no forensic correlation exists between those samples.^[21]

One of Kaczynski's tactics was leaving false clues in every bomb. He would make them hard to find so as to purposely mislead investigators into thinking they had a clue. The first clue was a metal plate stamped with the initials "FC" hidden somewhere (usually in the pipe end cap) in every bomb.^[21] One false clue he left was a note in a bomb that failed to go off that said, "Wu—It works! I told you it would—RV".^[22] A more obvious clue was the Eugene O'Neill $1 stamps used to send his boxes.^[23] One of his bombs was sent embedded in a copy of Sloan Wilson’s novel, Ice Brothers.^[12]

[edit] List of bombings

Year	Date	Location	Victims	Injuries
1978	May 25–26	Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois	Terry Marker, campus police officer	minor
1979	May 9	Northwestern University	John Harris, graduate student	slight
	November 15	Chicago, Illinois	12 American Airlines passengers	smoke inhalation
1980	June 10	Chicago	Percy Wood, United Airlines President	cuts and burns
1981	October 8	University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah	none—bomb defused
1982	May 5	Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee	Janet Smith, university secretary	severe injury to hands requiring extensive rehabilitative treatment
	July 2	University of California, Berkeley, California	Diogenes Angelakos, professor	right hand and face; near complete recovery
1985	May 15	University of California, Berkeley	John Hauser, graduate student	partial loss of vision in left eye, loss of four fingers on right hand
	June 13	Auburn, Washington	none—bomb defused
	November 15	Ann Arbor, Michigan	James V. McConnell and Nicklaus Suino	McConnell: hearing loss; Suino: shrapnel wounds
	December 11	Sacramento, California	Hugh Scrutton, computer rental store owner	first fatality
1987	February 20	Salt Lake City, Utah	Gary Wright, computer store owner	injured
1993	June 22	Tiburon, California	Charles Epstein, University of California geneticist	severe injuries
	June 24	Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut	David Gelernter, computer science professor	right hand and right eye
1994	December 10	North Caldwell, New Jersey	Thomas J. Mosser, advertising executive	second fatality
1995	April 24	Sacramento, California	Gilbert P. Murray, timber industry lobbyist	third fatality
References: [24][25]

[edit] Manifesto

In 1995, Kaczynski mailed several letters, some to his former victims, outlining his goals and demanding that his 35,000-word paper Industrial Society and Its Future (also called the "Unabomber Manifesto") be printed verbatim by a major newspaper or journal; he stated that he would then end his terrorism campaign.^[26] There was a great deal of controversy as to whether it should be done. A further letter threatening to kill more people was sent, and the United States Department of Justice recommended publication out of concern for public safety. The pamphlet was then published by The New York Times and The Washington Post on September 19, 1995, with the hope that someone would recognize the writing style. Prior to The New York Times' decision to publish the manifesto, Bob Guccione of Penthouse volunteered to publish it, but Kaczynski replied that, since Penthouse was less "respectable" than the other publications, he would in that case "reserve the right to plant one (and only one) bomb intended to kill, after our manuscript has been published."^[27]

Throughout the manuscript, produced on a typewriter without the capacity for italics, Kaczynski capitalizes entire words in order to show emphasis. He always refers to himself as either "we" or "FC" (Freedom Club), though he appears to have acted alone. Writer Henry Holt notes that Kaczynski's writing, despite its irregular hyphenation, is virtually free of any spelling or grammatical error, in spite of its production on a manual typewriter without the benefit of a word processor or spell-checker.^[28]

Industrial Society and Its Future begins with Kaczynski's assertion that "the Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race."^[29] The first sections of the text are devoted to psychological analysis of various groups—primarily leftists and scientists—and of the psychological consequences for the individual of life within the "industrial-technological system".^[29] The later sections speculate about the future evolution of this system, argue that it will inevitably lead to the end of human freedom, call for a "revolution against technology", and attempt to indicate how that might be accomplished.^[30]

[edit] Psychological analysis

In his opening and closing sections, Kaczynski addresses leftism as a movement and analyzes the psychology of leftists, arguing that they are "True Believers in Eric Hoffer's sense" who participate in a powerful social movement to compensate for their lack of personal power. He further claims that leftism as a movement is led by a particular minority of leftists whom he calls "oversocialized":

The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a completely moral way. [...] Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We use the term "oversocialized" to describe such people.^[31]

He goes on to explain how the nature of leftism is determined by the psychological consequences of "oversocialization." Kaczynski "attribute[s] the social and psychological problems of modern society to the fact that society requires people to live under conditions radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under the earlier conditions." He further specifies the primary cause of a long list of social and psychological problems in modern society as the disruption of the "power process", which he defines as having four elements:

The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later.^[32] [...] We divide human drives into three groups: (1) those drives that can be satisfied with minimal effort; (2) those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; (3) those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes. The power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group.^[33]

Kaczynski goes on to claim that "[i]n modern industrial society natural human drives tend to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist increasingly of artificially created drives." Among these drives are "surrogate activities", activities "directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the 'fulfillment' that they get from pursuing the goal".^[34] He claims that scientific research is a surrogate activity for scientists, and that for this reason "science marches on blindly, without regard to the real welfare of the human race or to any other standard, obedient only to the psychological needs of the scientists and of the government officials and corporation executives who provide the funds for research."^[35]

[edit] Historical analysis

In the last sections of the manifesto, Kaczynski carefully defines what he means by freedom^[36] and provides an argument that it would "be hopelessly difficult [...] to reform the industrial system in such a way as to prevent it from progressively narrowing our sphere of freedom".^[37] He says that "in spite of all its technical advances relating to human behavior the system to date has not been impressively successful in controlling human beings" and predicts that "[i]f the system succeeds in acquiring sufficient control over human behavior quickly enough, it will probably survive. Otherwise it will break down" and that "the issue will most likely be resolved within the next several decades, say 40 to 100 years." He gives various dystopian possibilities for the type of society which would evolve in the former case.^[38] He claims that revolution, unlike reform, is possible, and calls on sympathetic readers to initiate such revolution using two strategies: to "heighten the social stresses within the system so as to increase the likelihood that it will break down" and to "develop and propagate an ideology that opposes technology".^[39] He gives various tactical recommendations, including avoiding the assumption of political power, avoiding all collaboration with leftists, and supporting free trade agreements in order to bind the world economy into a more fragile, unified whole.^[30]

He concludes by noting that his manifesto has "portrayed leftism in its modern form as a phenomenon peculiar to our time and as a symptom of the disruption of the power process" but that he is "not in a position to assert confidently that no such movements have existed prior to modern leftism" and says that "[t]his is a significant question to which historians ought to give their attention."^[40]

[edit] Related works

As a critique of technological society, the manifesto echoed contemporary critics of technology and industrialization, such as John Zerzan, Herbert Marcuse, Fredy Perlman, Jacques Ellul (whose book The Technological Society was referenced in an unnamed Kaczynski essay written in 1971, along with The Year 2,000 by Herman Kahn and Anthony J. Wiener),^[41] Lewis Mumford, Neil Postman, and Derrick Jensen. Its idea of the "disruption of the power process" similarly echoed social critics emphasizing the lack of meaningful work as a primary cause of social problems, including Mumford, Paul Goodman, and Eric Hoffer (whom Kaczynski explicitly references).^[42] The general theme was also addressed by Aldous Huxley in his dystopian novel Brave New World, which Kaczynski references.^[43] The ideas of "oversocialization" and "surrogate activities" recall Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and his theories of rationalization and sublimation (the latter term being used three times in the manifesto, twice in quotes, to describe surrogate activities).^[44]

In a Wired article on the dangers of technology, titled "Why The Future Doesn't Need Us," Bill Joy, cofounder of Sun Microsystems, quoted Ray Kurzweil's The Age of Spiritual Machines, which quoted a passage by Kaczynski on types of society that might develop if human labor were entirely replaced by artificial intelligence. Joy wrote that, although Kaczynski's actions were "murderous, and, in my view, criminally insane", that "as difficult as it is for me to acknowledge, I saw some merit in the reasoning in this single passage. I felt compelled to confront it."^[45]

[edit] Search

Before the publication of the manifesto, Theodore Kaczynski's brother, David Kaczynski, had been pushed by his wife to follow up on suspicions that Theodore was the Unabomber.^[46] David Kaczynski was at first dismissive, but progressively began to take the likelihood more seriously after reading the manifesto a week after it was published in September 1995. David Kaczynski browsed through old family papers and found letters dating back to the 1970s written by Ted and sent to newspapers protesting the abuses of technology and which contained phrasing similar to what was found in the Unabomber Manifesto.^[47]

Prior to the publishing of the manifesto, the FBI held numerous press conferences enlisting the help of the public in identifying the Unabomber. They were convinced that the bomber was from the Chicago area (where he began his bombings), had worked or had some connection in Salt Lake City, and by the 1990s was associated with the San Francisco Bay Area. This geographical information, as well as the wording in excerpts from the manifesto that were published before the entire manifesto was published, was what had persuaded David Kaczynski's wife, Linda, to urge her husband to read the manifesto.^[48]

After the manifesto was published, the FBI received over a thousand calls a day for months in response to the offer of a $1 million reward for information leading to the identity of the Unabomber. There were also large numbers of letters mailed to the UNABOM Task Force that purported to be from the Unabomber, and thousands of suspect leads were sifted through. While the FBI was occupied with new leads, David Kaczynski first hired private investigator Susan Swanson in Chicago to investigate Ted's activities discreetly. The Kaczynski brothers had become estranged in 1990, and David had not seen Ted for ten years. David later hired Washington, D.C. attorney Tony Bisceglie to organize evidence acquired by Swanson and make contact with the FBI, given the likely difficulty in attracting the FBI's attention. He wanted to protect his brother from the danger of an FBI raid, like Ruby Ridge or the Waco Siege, since he knew Ted would not take kindly to being contacted by the FBI and would likely react irrationally or violently.^[49]

In early 1996, former FBI hostage negotiator and profiler Clinton R. Van Zandt was contacted by Tony Bisceglie. Bisceglie asked Van Zandt to compare the manifesto to type-written copies of hand-written letters David had received from his brother. Van Zandt's analysis determined that there was a "50/50 chance" that the same person had written the letters as well as the manifesto, which had been in public circulation for half a year. He recommended that Bisceglie's client contact the FBI.^[49]

In February 1996, Bisceglie provided a copy of the 1971 essay written by Ted Kaczynski to the FBI. At the UNABOM Task Force headquarters in San Francisco, Supervisory Special Agent Joel Moss immediately recognized similarities in the writings. David Kaczynski had attempted to remain anonymous at the outset but he was swiftly identified, and within a few days, an FBI agent team was dispatched to interview David and his wife with their attorney in Washington, D.C. At this and subsequent meetings with the team, David provided letters written by his brother in their original envelopes, so the use of postmark dates enabled the enhancement of the timeline of Ted Kaczynski's activities being developed by the Task Force. David developed a respectful relationship with the primary Task Force behavioral analyst, Special Agent Kathleen M. Puckett, with whom he met many times in Washington, D.C.; Texas; Chicago; and Schenectady, New York over the nearly two months before the behaviorally-based federal search warrant was served on Theodore Kaczynski's cabin.^[50]

[edit] Arrest

Agents arrested Theodore Kaczynski on April 3, 1996 at his remote cabin outside Lincoln, Montana, where he was found in an unkempt state. Among the evidence found in the cabin was a live bomb and what appeared to be the original typed manuscript of the manifesto.^[51] The Unabomber was the target of one of the most expensive investigations in the FBI's history.^[52]

Paragraphs 204 and 205 of the FBI search and arrest warrant for Kaczynski stated that "experts"—many of them academics consulted by the FBI—believed the manifesto had been written by "another individual, not Theodore Kaczynski".^[21] As stated in the affidavit, only a handful of people believed Theodore Kaczynski was the Unabomber before the search warrant revealed the cornucopia of evidence in Kaczynski's isolated cabin. The search warrant affidavit written by FBI Inspector Terry D. Turchie reflects this conflict, and is striking evidence of the opposition to Turchie and his small cadre of FBI agents that included Moss and Puckett—who were convinced Theodore Kaczynski was the Unabomber—from the rest of the UNABOM Task Force and the FBI in general:

204. Your affiant is aware that other individuals have conducted analyses of the UNABOM Manuscript __ determined that the Manuscript was written by another individual, not Kaczynski, who had also been a suspect in the investigation.

205. Numerous other opinions from experts have been provided as to the identity of the unabomb subject. None of those opinions named Theodore Kaczynski as a possible author.^[21]

David had once admired and emulated his elder brother, but had later decided to leave the survivalist lifestyle behind.^[53] He had received assurances from the FBI that he would remain anonymous and that his brother would not learn who had turned him in, but his identity was leaked to CBS News in early April 1996. CBS anchorman Dan Rather called FBI director Louis Freeh, who requested 24 hours before CBS broke the story on the evening news. The FBI scrambled to finish the search warrant and have it issued by a federal judge in Montana; afterwards, an internal leak investigation was conducted by the FBI, but the source of the leak was never identified.^[53] David donated the reward money, less his expenses, to families of his brother's victims.^[53]

[edit] Court proceedings

Kaczynski's lawyers, headed by Montana federal defender Michael Donahoe, attempted to enter an insanity defense to save Kaczynski's life, but Kaczynski rejected this plea. A court-appointed psychiatrist diagnosed Kaczynski as suffering from paranoid schizophrenia,^[54] and declared him competent to stand trial. Kaczynski's family said he would psychologically "shut down" when pressured.^[55]

A federal grand jury indicted Kaczynski in April 1996, on 10 counts of illegally transporting, mailing, and using bombs. He was also charged with killing two people in California and a third person in New Jersey.^[56] On January 7, 1998, Kaczynski attempted to hang himself. Initially, the government prosecution team indicated that it would seek the death penalty for Kaczynski after it was authorized by United States Attorney General Janet Reno. David Kaczynski's attorney asked the former FBI agent who made the match between the Unabomber's manifesto and Kaczynski to ask for leniency—he was horrified to think that turning his brother in might result in his brother's death. Eventually, Kaczynski was able to avoid the death penalty by pleading guilty to all the government's charges, on January 22, 1998. Later, Kaczynski attempted to withdraw his guilty plea, arguing it was involuntary. Judge Garland Burrell denied his request. The United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit upheld that decision.^[57]

The early hunt for the Unabomber in the United States portrayed a perpetrator far different from the eventual suspect. The Unabomber Manifesto consistently uses "we" and "our" throughout, and at one point in 1993 investigators sought an individual whose first name was "Nathan", due to a fragment of a note found in one of the bombs.^[22] However, when the case was finally presented to the public, authorities denied that there was ever anyone other than Kaczynski involved in the crimes. Explanations were later presented as to why Kaczynski targeted some of the victims he selected.^[46]

On August 10, 2006, Judge Garland Burrell Jr. ordered that personal items seized in 1996 from Kaczynski's Montana cabin should be sold at a "reasonably advertised Internet auction." Items the government considers to be bomb-making materials, such as writings that contain diagrams and "recipes" for bombs, are excluded from the sale. The auctioneer will pay the cost and will keep up to 10% of the sale price, and the rest of the proceeds must be applied to the $15 million in restitution that Burrell ordered Kaczynski to pay his victims.^[58]

Included among Kaczynski's holdings to be auctioned are his original writings, journals, correspondences, and other documents allegedly found in his cabin. The judge ordered that all references in those documents that allude to any of his victims must be removed before they are sold. Kaczynski has challenged those ordered redactions in court on first amendment grounds, arguing that any alteration of his writings is an unconstitutional violation of his freedom of speech.^[59]

[edit] Life in prison

Kaczynski is serving a life sentence without the possibility of parole as prisoner number 04475–046 in ADX Florence, the federal Administrative Maximum Facility supermax in Florence, Colorado.^[59] When asked how he felt about his being in prison, Kaczynski replied:

what worries me is that I might in a sense adapt to this environment and come to be comfortable here and not resent it anymore. And I am afraid that as the years go by that I may forget, I may begin to lose my memories of the mountains and the woods and that's what really worries me, that I might lose those memories, and lose that sense of contact with wild nature in general. But I am not afraid they are going to break my spirit.

—Ted Kaczynski, ^[1]

Kaczynski has been an active writer in prison. The Labadie Collection, part of the University of Michigan's Special Collection Library, houses Kaczynski's correspondence from over 400 people since his arrest in April 1996, including carbon copy replies, legal documents, publications, and clippings. The names of most correspondents will be kept sealed until 2049.^[60] Kaczynski has also been battling in federal court in northern California over the auction of his journals and other correspondence.^[61] On January 10, 2009, however, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco, California rejected Kaczynski's arguments that the government's sale of his writings violates his freedom of expression. His writings, books, and other possessions will be sold online, and the money raised will be sent to several of his victims.^[62]

Kaczynski's cabin was removed and stored in a warehouse in an undisclosed location. It was to be destroyed, but was eventually given to Scharlette Holdman, an investigator on Kaczynski's defense team.^[63] It is on display at the Newseum in Washington, D.C. as of July 2008.^[64] In a three-page handwritten letter to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, Kaczynski objected to the public exhibition of the cabin, claiming it violated the victim's objection to be publicly connected with the UNABOM case.

In a letter dated October 7, 2005, Kaczynski offered to donate two rare books to the Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies at Northwestern University's campus in Evanston, Illinois, the location of the first two attacks. The recipient, David Easterbrook, turned the letter over to the university's archives. Northwestern rejected the offer, noting that the library already owned the volumes in English and did not desire duplicates.^[65]

Kaczynski wrote a one paragraph letter that criticized a book review by István Deák; the letter appeared in the New York Review of Books.^[66]

He has never replied to monthly letters from his family, who turned him in to the authorities.^[46]

[edit] See also

• Anarcho-primitivism, an anarchist movement encompassing many of Kaczynski's views
• CLODO, a 1980s group of neo-Luddite saboteurs from France
• Propaganda by deed, anarchist concept that sees action as being a form of propaganda
• Green Anarchy, an anarchist magazine that published some of Kaczynski's writings, including the Ship of Fools short story
• John Zerzan, an anarcho-primitivist philosopher who defended Kaczynski's writings and was a confidant to him during his trial
• Unabomber for President, a political campaign which aimed to elect the Unabomber in the 1996 United States presidential election

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

• F.C. (October 1995). The Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society & Its Future. Jolly Roger Pr. ISBN 0963420526. http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future. 

[edit] Bibliography

Essays

• Unnamed Essay—Kaczynski argues, in 1971, for a political movement to end public funding for scientific research in order to preserve human freedom
• Industrial Society and Its Future, aka "the Unabomber manifesto"
• Ship of Fools — a short story; also adapted into a short film
• When Non-Violence is Suicide
• Hit Where It Hurts

Letters

• Kaczynski's letter to Live Wild or Die! magazine
• Kaczynski's letter to the writers of the book, American Terrorist
• Text of Unabomber's Letter Received by N.Y. Times April 26, 1995
• Text of Letter from Unabomber to Dr. David Gelernter
• Giants at Heart Letter Kaczynski sent from prison, published in The New York Review of Books

Interviews

• Interview with Ted Kaczynski
• "I Don't Want to Live Long"

Mathematical Works

• Bullough, John, Published Works of Theodore Kaczynski—mathematical papers

[edit] External links

• Media related to Theodore Kaczynski at Wikimedia Commons
• Quotations related to Theodore Kaczynski at Wikiquote

Persondata
NAME	Kaczynski, Theodore John
ALTERNATIVE NAMES	the Unabomber
SHORT DESCRIPTION	American terrorist
DATE OF BIRTH	May 22, 1942
PLACE OF BIRTH	Chicago, Illinois, United States
DATE OF DEATH
PLACE OF DEATH