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Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn late in life.
Born	Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn December 11, 1918(1918-12-11) Kislovodsk, RSFSR
Died	August 3, 2008 (aged 89) Moscow, Russia
Occupation	Novelist
Notable award(s)	Nobel Prize in Literature 1970 Templeton Prize 1983

Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn (IPA: /soʊlʒəˈniːtsɨn/^[1] Russian: Алекса́ндр Иса́евич Солжени́цын, Russian pronunciation: [ɐlʲɪˈksandr ɪˈsaɪvʲɪtɕ səlʐɨˈnʲitsɨn]) (December 11, 1918 – August 3, 2008)^[2] was a Russian novelist, dramatist and historian. Through his writings, he made the world aware of the Gulag, the Soviet Union's forced labour camp system, and for these efforts Solzhenitsyn was exiled from the Soviet Union in 1974. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1970. He returned to Russia in 1994. He was the father of Ignat Solzhenitsyn, a conductor and pianist.

Contents 1 Biography 1.1 In the Soviet Union 1.1.1 Early Years 1.1.2 WWII 1.1.3 Imprisonment 1.1.4 After Liberation 1.1.5 Controversy 1.1.6 Persecutions 1.2 Gulag's Influence 1.3 In the West 1.4 Return to Russia 1.5 Death 1.6 Legacy 2 Accusations of arranging his own arrest 3 Accusations of collaboration with NKVD 4 Historical and political views 4.1 Historical views 4.1.1 Accusations of Antisemitism 4.1.2 On new Russian "democracy" 4.1.3 The West 4.1.4 Russian culture 4.1.5 Communism, Russia and nationalism 4.1.6 World War II 4.1.7 Stalinism 4.1.8 Mikhail Sholokhov 4.1.9 The Sino-Soviet Conflict 4.1.10 Vietnam war 4.1.11 Kosovo War 4.1.12 The Holodomor 4.2 Western culture 4.3 Modern world 5 Published works and speeches 6 See also 7 References 7.1 Notes 7.2 Bibliography 8 External links

[edit] Biography

[edit] In the Soviet Union

[edit] Early Years

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was born in Kislovodsk, RSFSR (now in Stavropol Krai, Russia) to a young Ukrainian^[3] widow, Taisiya Solzhenitsyna (née Shcherbak), whose father had risen, it seems, from humble beginnings, much of a self-made man, and acquired a large estate in the Kuban region by the northern foothills of the Caucasus. During World War I, Taisiya went to Moscow to study. While there she met Isaakiy Solzhenitsyn, a young army officer, also from the Caucasus region (the family background of his parents is vividly brought alive in the opening chapters of August 1914, and later on in the Red Wheel novel cycle).

In 1918, Taisia became pregnant with Aleksandr. Shortly after this was confirmed, Isaakiy was killed in a hunting accident. Aleksandr was raised by his widowed mother and aunt in lowly circumstances; his earliest years coincided with the Russian Civil War; by 1930 the family property had been turned into a collective farm. Solzhenitsyn stated his mother was fighting for survival and they had to keep his father's background in the old Imperial Army a secret. His educated mother (who never remarried) encouraged his literary and scientific learnings and raised him in the Russian Orthodox faith;^[4] she died in 1944^[5].

Solzhenitsyn studied mathematics at Rostov State University, while at the same time taking correspondence courses from the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature and History (at this time heavily ideological in scope; as he himself makes clear, he did not question the state ideology or the superiority of the Soviet Union before he had spent some time in the camps). On April 7, 1940, while at the university, Solzhenitsyn married a chemistry student Natalia Alekseevna Reshetovskaya.^[6] They divorced in 1952 (a year before his release from the Gulag); he remarried her in 1957^[7] and they divorced again in 1972. The following year he married his second wife, Natalia Dmitrievna Svetlova, a mathematician who had a son from a brief prior marriage.^[8] He and Svetlova (b. 1939) had three sons: Yermolai (1970), Ignat (1972) and Stepan (1973).^[9]

[edit] WWII

During World War II Solzhenitsyn served as the commander of a sound-ranging battery in the Red Army,^[10] was involved in major action at the front, and twice decorated.

[edit] Imprisonment

In February 1945, while serving in East Prussia, Solzhenitsyn was arrested for writing derogatory comments in letters to a friend, Nikolai Vitkevich,^[11] about the conduct of the war by Joseph Stalin, whom he called "the whiskered one,"^[12] "Khozyain" ("the master") and "Balabos", (Odessa Yiddish for "the master").^[13] He was accused of anti-Soviet propaganda under Article 58 paragraph 10 of the Soviet criminal code, and of "founding a hostile organization" under paragraph 11.^[14] Solzhenitsyn was taken to the Lubyanka prison in Moscow, where he was beaten and interrogated. On July 7, 1945, he was sentenced in his absence by Special Council of the NKVD to an eight-year term in a labour camp. This was the normal sentence for most crimes under Article 58 at the time.^[15]

The first part of Solzhenitsyn's sentence was served in several different work camps; the "middle phase," as he later referred to it, was spent in a sharashka, special scientific research facilities run by Ministry of State Security, where he met Lev Kopelev, upon whom he based the character of Lev Rubin in his book The First Circle, published in the West in 1968. In 1950, he was sent to a "Special Camp" for political prisoners. During his imprisonment at the camp in the town of Ekibastuz in Kazakhstan, he worked as a miner, bricklayer and foundry foreman. His experiences at Ekibastuz formed the basis for the book One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich. While there he had a tumor removed, although his cancer was not then diagnosed.

In March 1953 after the expiry of Solzhenitsyn's sentence, he was sent to internal exile for life at Kok-Terek in southern Kazakhstan, as was common for political prisoners. His undiagnosed cancer spread, until, by the end of the year, he was close to death. However, in 1954, he was permitted to be treated in a hospital in Tashkent, where his tumor went into remission. These experiences became the basis of his novel Cancer Ward and also found an echo in the short story "The right hand." It was during this decade of imprisonment and exile that Solzhenitsyn abandoned Marxism and developed the philosophical and religious positions of his later life; this turn has some interesting parallels to Dostoevsky's time in Siberia and his quest for faith a hundred years earlier. Solzhenitsyn gradually turned into a philosophically-minded man in prison. He repented for what he did as a Red Army captain and in prison compared himself with the perpetrators of the Gulag: "I remember myself in my captain's shoulder boards and the forward march of my battery through East Prussia, enshrouded in fire, and I say: 'So were we any better?'" His transformation is described at some length in the fourth part of The Gulag Archipelago ("The Soul and Barbed Wire").

[edit] After Liberation

After Khrushchev's Secret Speech in 1956 Solzhenitsyn was freed from exile and exonerated. After his return to European Russia, Solzhenitsyn was, while teaching at a secondary school during the day, spending his nights secretly engaged in writing. In his Nobel Prize acceptance speech he wrote, "during all the years until 1961, not only was I convinced I should never see a single line of mine in print in my lifetime, but, also, I scarcely dared allow any of my close acquaintances to read anything I had written because I feared this would become known."^[16]

Finally, when he was 42 years old, he approached Alexander Tvardovsky, a poet and the chief editor of the Noviy Mir magazine, with the manuscript of One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich. It was published in edited form in 1962, with the explicit approval of Nikita Khrushchev, who defended it and declared at the presidium of the Politburo hearing on whether to allow its publishing, "There’s a Stalinist in each of you; there’s even a Stalinist in me. We must root out this evil". The book became an instant hit and sold-out everywhere. During Khruschev's tenure, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich was studied in schools in the Soviet Union and three more novellas of Solzhenitsyn's were published in 1963. These would be the last of his works published in the Soviet Union until 1990.

One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich brought the Soviet system of prison labour to the attention of the West. It caused as much a sensation in the Soviet Union as it did the West—not only by its striking realism and candour, but also because it was the first major piece of Soviet literature since the twenties on a politically charged theme, written by a non-party member, even by a man who had been to Siberia for "libelous speech" about the leaders, and still it had not been censored. In this sense, the publication of Solzhenitsyn's story was an almost unheard of instance of free, unrestrained discussion of politics through literature. Most Soviet readers realized this, but after Khrushchev had been ousted from power in 1964, the time for such raw exposing works came quietly, but perceptibly, to a close.

[edit] Controversy

Solzhenitsyn's work and political views provoked controversy in some countries. In response to the publishing of "Gulag Archipelago", critics in Russia called Solzhenitsyn a literary Vlasovite and accused him of having sided with Vlasov's men. ^[17]

In his literature, Solzhenitsyn was accused of having been a remained a sympathizer with Russia's enemies. Critics charged that in the book August 1914, Solzhenitsyn shows regret that the Germans failed to conquer Russia. According to critics, Solzhenitsyn shows admiration and kneeling before German militarism. A lengthy article in a Bulgarian newspaper charged Solzhenitsyn for being an apologist for German militarism.

Solzhenitsyn was criticized in the West for urging the United States to continue bombing Vietnam, opposing Amnesty International as too liberal, and for supporting General Franco's fascist regime. His consistency was questioned for "condemning the gulags but justifying napalm on Vietnam." ^[18]

[edit] Persecutions

Solzhenitsyn did not give in but tried, with the help of Tvardovsky, to get his novel, The Cancer Ward, legally published in the Soviet Union. This had to get the approval of the Union of Writers, and though some there appreciated it, the work ultimately was denied publication unless it was to be revised and cleaned of suspect statements and anti-Soviet insinuations (this episode is recounted and documented in The Oak and the Calf).

The publishing of his work quickly stopped; as a writer, he became a non-person, and, by 1965, the KGB had seized some of his papers, including the manuscript of The First Circle. Meanwhile Solzhenitsyn continued to secretly and feverishly work upon the most subversive of all his writings, the monumental Gulag Archipelago. The seizing of his novel manuscript first made him desperate and frightened, but gradually he realized that it had set him free from the pretenses and trappings of being an "officially acclaimed" writer, something which had come close to second nature, but which was becoming increasingly irrelevant (the circumstances of how he actually survived in this period without any income from his books are obscure; he had quit his teaching post when he broke through as a writer).

After the KGB had confiscated Solzhenitsyn's materials in Moscow, during 1965-1967 the preparatory drafts of The Gulag Archipelago were turned into finished typescript in hiding at his friends homes in Estonia. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn had befriended Arnold Susi, a lawyer and former Estonian Minister of Education in a Lubyanka Prison cell. After completion the original Solzhenitsyn's handwritten script was kept hidden from the KGB in Estonia by Arnold Susi's daughter Heli Susi until the collapse of the Soviet Union.^{[19] [20]}

In 1969 Solzhenitsyn was expelled from the Union of Writers. In 1970, Solzhenitsyn was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. He could not receive the prize personally in Stockholm at that time, since he was afraid he would not be let back into the Soviet Union. Instead, it was suggested he should receive the prize in a special ceremony at the Swedish embassy in Moscow. The Swedish government refused to accept this solution, since such a ceremony and the ensuing media coverage might upset the Soviet Union and damage Sweden's relations with the superpower. Instead, Solzhenitsyn received his prize at the 1974 ceremony after he had been deported from the Soviet Union.

The Gulag Archipelago was a three-volume work on the Soviet prison camp system. It was based upon Solzhenitsyn's own experience as well as the testimony of 227 former prisoners and Solzhenitsyn's own research into the history of the penal system. It discussed the system's origins from the founding of the Communist regime, with Lenin himself having responsibility, detailing interrogation procedures, prisoner transports, prison camp culture, prisoner uprisings and revolts, and the practice of internal exile. The appearance of the book in the West put the word gulag into the Western political vocabulary and guaranteed swift retribution from the Soviet authorities.

During this period, he was sheltered by the cellist Mstislav Rostropovich, who suffered considerably for his support of Solzhenitsyn and was eventually forced into exile himself.

[edit] Gulag's Influence

As James F. Pontuso notes: It was at this critical moment after America’s loss in Vietnam that Solzhenitsyn emerged as a towering moral force opposing a policy of appeasement toward an evil adversary. The publication of The Gulag Archipelago, beginning in the 1970s, sounded the death knell of Communism, for in it Solzhenitsyn shows with stunning clarity how Karl Marx’s ideas had been the cause of Communism’s inevitable descent into totalitarianism. Solzhenitsyn’s pronouncements on East-West relations were so forceful that they dismayed and frightened many people in the West. He painted a particularly grim picture of the challenge facing Western civilization, arguing that Communism was a cancer that fed on the corpses of its victims while sapping strength from its adversaries in an effort to ensnare the entire world with its deadly doctrines. Meanwhile, he lamented the many people in the West, who, only half awake to the menace, were willing to sit idly by, content to amuse themselves with consumer goods, the bright and happy baubles of their materialistic culture.

Solzhenitsyn’s rhetoric worked and rallied many to his cause. It is no coincidence that after his revelations about the Soviet Union came to light, the once-powerful Communist parties of Western Europe lost their rank and file. Intellectuals, especially in France, abandoned hope of radically reforming political life and moved on to literary criticism, and Western voters in Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States elected the most fiercely anti-Communist leaders of the Cold War era.

Ronald Reagan, Pope John Paul II, and Mikhail Gorbachev are often credited with ending the Cold War. Solzhenitsyn, meanwhile, gets almost no recognition for his role in Communism’s demise, either in the popular press or in intellectual circles. He has been called a religious fanatic, an anti-Semite, and a Russian nationalist blind to the merits of the West. After the collapse of Communism, the world’s most controversial writer suffered another kind of ignominy: neglect. His writings ignored as Russia – along with the rest of the world – has plunged headlong into an exuberant materialism in order to reap the profits made available by the opening of global markets. Here again Solzhenitsyn’s admonitions against unrestrained greed seem prescient. During the Cold War, Solzhenitsyn’s assessment of his homeland was suspect. Communist authorities denied his allegations, and people in West, although wary, thought them exaggerated. Solzhenitsyn’s account of brutality and terror was considered by some Westerners to be the ebullition of a disgruntled ex-prisoner intent on getting even with his tormentors; it was believed to be no more crucial to understanding the Soviet Union or Communism than a convict’s description of life in a Western penitentiary was needed to capture the essence of liberal democracy. After all, it was argued, Solzhenitsyn had been arrested during Joseph Stalin’s reign, spent a number of years in forced labor camps (the Gulag), suffered greatly during his imprisonment, and, upon his release, became a renowned dissident and a tenacious foe of the Soviet authorities. His readers naturally had to wonder whether his personal troubles had not biased his judgment.^[21]

Solzhenitsyn has been proven correct. Secret police files made public since the collapse of Communism show that even the most apparently far-fetched anecdotes were true. As Solzhenitsyn maintained, the central fact of totalitarian Communism was atrocious cruelty. Nearly 30 million people died in the Gulag’s camps.^[22]

[edit] In the West

On February 12, 1974, Solzhenitsyn was arrested and on the next day he was deported from the Soviet Union to Frankfurt, West Germany and stripped of his Soviet citizenship. The KGB had found the manuscript for the first part of The Gulag Archipelago and, less than a week later, Yevgeny Yevtushenko suffered reprisals for his support of Solzhenitsyn.

U.S. military attache William Odom managed to smuggle out a large portion of Solzhenitsyn's archive, including the author's membership card for the Writers' Union and Second World War military citations; Solzhenitsyn subsequently paid tribute to Odom's role in his memoir "Invisible Allies" (1995). [3]

In Germany, Solzhenitsyn lived in Heinrich Böll's house in Cologne. He then moved to Zurich, Switzerland before Stanford University invited him to stay in the United States to "facilitate your work, and to accommodate you and your family." He stayed on the 11th floor of the Hoover Tower, part of the Hoover Institution, before moving to Cavendish, Vermont in 1976. He was given an honorary Literary Degree from Harvard University in 1978 and on Thursday, June 8, 1978 he gave his Commencement Address condemning, among other things, materialism in modern western culture.

Over the next 17 years, Solzhenitsyn worked on his cyclical history of the Russian Revolution of 1917, The Red Wheel. By 1992, four "knots" (parts) had been completed and he had also written several shorter works. Despite an enthusiastic welcome on his first arrival in America, followed by respect for his privacy, he had never been comfortable outside his homeland.^{[citation needed]}

Despite spending two decades in the United States, Solzhenitsyn did not become fluent in spoken English. He had, however, been reading English-language literature since his teens, encouraged by his mother^{[citation needed]}. More important, he resented the idea of becoming a media star and of tempering his ideas or ways of talking in order to suit television. Solzhenitsyn's warnings about the dangers of Communist aggression and the weakening of the moral fiber of the West were generally well received in Western conservative circles, alongside the tougher foreign policy pursued by U.S. President Ronald Reagan. At the same time, liberals and secularists became increasingly critical of what they perceived as his reactionary preference for Russian patriotism and the Russian Orthodox religion. Solzhenitsyn also harshly criticised what he saw as the ugliness and spiritual vapidity of the dominant pop culture of the modern West, including television and much of popular music: "...the human soul longs for things higher, warmer, and purer than those offered by today's mass living habits ... by TV stupor and by intolerable music."

[edit] Return to Russia

In 1990, his Soviet citizenship was restored, and, in 1994, he returned to Russia with his wife, Natalia, who had become a United States citizen. Their sons stayed behind in the United States (later, his oldest son Yermolai returned to Russia to work for the Moscow office of a leading management consultancy firm). From then until his death, he lived with his wife in a dacha in Troitse-Lykovo (Троице-Лыково) in west Moscow between the dachas once occupied by Soviet leaders Mikhail Suslov and Konstantin Chernenko.

The writer, however, deplored what he considered Russia's spiritual decline, increasingly adopting Western materialistic values, but in the last years of his life he praised President Vladimir Putin for Russia's revival.^{[citation needed]}

After returning to Russia in 1994, Solzhenitsyn published eight two-part short stories, a series of contemplative "miniatures" or prose poems, a literary memoir on his years in the West (The Grain Between the Millstones).

All of Solzhenitsyn's sons became U.S. citizens. One, Ignat, has achieved acclaim as a pianist and conductor in the United States.

[edit] Death

Solzhenitsyn died of heart failure near Moscow on August 3, 2008, at the age of 89.^[23][24] A burial service was held at Donskoy Monastery, Moscow, on Wednesday, August 6, 2008.^[25] He was buried on the same date at the place chosen by him in Donskoy necropolis.^[26] Russian and world leaders paid tribute to Solzhenitsyn following his death.^[27]

[edit] Legacy

The most complete 30-volume edition of Solzhenitsyn’s collected works is soon to be published in Russia. The presentation of its first three volumes, already in print, recently took place in Moscow. On June 5, 2007 then Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree conferring on Solzhenitsyn the State Prize of the Russian Federation for his humanitarian work. Putin personally visited the writer at his home on June 12, 2007 to present him with the award. Like his father, Yermolai Solzhenitsyn is an author and has translated some of his father's works. Stephan Solzhenitsyn is an urban planner in New York. Ignat Solzhenitsyn is the music director of The Chamber Orchestra of Philadelphia.

[edit] Accusations of arranging his own arrest

Solzhenitsyn has been accused of staging his own arrest and eventual imprisonment in order to avoid active duty, based on his awareness of total perlustration of all mail by the military censorship.^[28][29][30]

[edit] Accusations of collaboration with NKVD

In his book The Gulag Archipelago Solzhenitsyn states that he was recruited to report to the NKVD on fellow inmates and was given a code-name Vetrov, but due to his transfer to another camp he was able to elude this duty and never produced a single such report^[31].

In 1976, after Solzhenitsyn was expelled from the Soviet Union a report signed by Vetrov surfaced. After a copy of the report was obtained by Solzhenitsyn he published it together with a refutation in the Los Angeles Times (published 24 May 1976^[31]). In 1978 the same report was published by journalist Frank Arnau in a socialist Western German magazine Neue Politik^[32]. According to Arnau the report was used in prosecution and death sentence of a group of Ukrainian nationalists incarcerated at Ekibastuz.^[29][33][34].

However, according to Solzhenitsyn the report is a falsification by the KGB. He claimed that the report is dated 20 January 1952 while all Ukrainians were transferred to a separate camp on January 6 and they had no relation to the uprising in Solzhenitsyn's camp on January 22. He also pointed out that the only people who might in 1976 have access to a "secret KGB archive" were KGB agents themselves. Solzhenitsyn also requested Arnau to put the alleged document to a graphology test but Arnau refused^[31].

In 1990 the report was reproduced in Soviet Voyenno-Istoricheskiy Zhurnal among the memoirs of L.A. Samutin^[35], a former ROA soldier and GULAG inmate who was an erstwhile supporter of Solzhenitsyn, but later became his critic. According to Solzhenitzyn publishing of the memoirs was canceled at the request of Samutin's widow who stated that the memoirs were in fact dictated by the KGB)^[31]. However, other sources say that the Samutin memoirs (partially published actually) were not published in their entirety due to conflicts among Samutin's heirs over the control over the publication.

There are sources indicating that the report clearly demonstrates Solzhenitsyn's own writing style and his unique vocabulary and syntax^[36].

[edit] Historical and political views

[edit] Historical views

During his years in the west, Solzhenitsyn was very active in the historical debate, discussing the history of Russia, the Soviet Union and communism. He tried to correct what he considered to be western misconceptions.

[edit] Accusations of Antisemitism

Solzhenitsyn also published a two-volume work on the history of Russian-Jewish relations (Two Hundred Years Together 2001, 2002). This book stirred controversy and some viewed it as antisemitic^{[37][38][39][40][41]}. Another Russian dissident writer, Vladimir Voinovich, wrote a polemical study A Portrait Against the Background of a Myth ("Портрет на фоне мифа", 2002.), in which he paints Solzhenitsyn as flawed by egoism, anti-Semitism, and poor writing craftsmanship, describing Two Hundred Years Together as a work that is "long, tedious, and slanderous." Voinovich had previously parodied Solzhenitsyn in his novel Moscow 2042 through the self-centered egomaniacal character, Sim Simych Karnavalov, an extreme and brutal dictatorial writer who tries to destroy the Soviet Union and, eventually, to become the king of Russia.

[edit] On new Russian "democracy"

In his recent political writings, such as Rebuilding Russia (1990) and Russia in Collapse (1998), Solzhenitsyn criticized the oligarchic excesses of the new Russian 'democracy,' while opposing any nostalgia for Soviet communism. He defended moderate and self-critical patriotism (as opposed to extreme nationalism), argued for the indispensability of local self-government to a free Russia, and expressed concerns for the fate of the 25 million ethnic Russians in the "near abroad" of the former Soviet Union. He also sought to "protect" the national character of the Russian Orthodox church and fought against the admission of Catholic priests and Protestant pastors to Russia from other countries. For a brief period, he had his own TV show, where he freely expressed his views. The show was cancelled because of low ratings, but Solzhenitsyn continued to maintain a relatively high profile in the media.

[edit] The West

Delivering the commencement address at Harvard in 1978, he called the United States spiritually weak and mired in vulgar materialism. Americans, he said, speaking in Russian through a translator, suffered from a "decline in courage" and a "lack of manliness." Few were willing to die for their ideals, he said. He condemned both the United States government and American society for its “hasty” capitulation in Vietnam. He criticized the country’s music as intolerable and attacked its unfettered press, accusing it of violations of privacy. He said that the West erred in measuring other civilizations by its own model. While faulting Soviet society for denying fair legal treatment of people, he also faulted the West for being too legalistic: "A society which is based on the letter of the law and never reaches any higher is taking very scarce advantage of the high level of human possibilities."^[42]

Shortly after his death, professor Richard Pipes wrote of him: "Solzhenitsyn blamed the evils of Soviet communism on the West. He rightly stressed the European origins of Marxism, but he never asked himself why Marxism in other European countries led not to the gulag but to the welfare state. He reacted with white fury to any suggestion that the roots of Leninism and Stalinism could be found in Russia’s past. His knowledge of Russian history was very superficial and laced with a romantic sentimentalism. While accusing the West of imperialism, he seemed quite unaware of the extraordinary expansion of his own country into regions inhabited by non-Russians. He also denied that Imperial Russia practiced censorship or condemned political prisoners to hard labor, which, of course, was absurd."^[43] While alive, Solzhenitsyn accused Pipes, who is of Jewish Polish descent, of advancing "the Polish version of Russian history".

[edit] Russian culture

In his 1978 Harvard address, Solzhenitsyn argued over Russian culture, that the West erred in "denying its autonomous character and therefore never understood it "^[42]

[edit] Communism, Russia and nationalism

It is a popular view that the October revolution of 1917 resulting in a violent totalitarian regime was closely connected to Russia's earlier history of tsarism and culture, especially that of Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great.^[44] Solzhenitsyn claims this is fundamentally wrong and famously denounced the work of Richard Pipes as "the Polish version of Russian history". Solzhenitsyn argues Tsarist Russia did not have the same violent tendencies as the Soviet Union. For instance, in Solzhenitsyn's view, Imperial Russia did not practice censorship^{[citation needed]} (while it in fact did^[45]); political prisoners were not forced into labor camps^{[citation needed]} (although Communist state transformed the punitive labor (katorga) system of prerevolutionary Russia into Gulag ^[46]) and the number of political prisoners was only one ten-thousandth of those in the Soviet Union; the Tsar's secret service was only present in the three largest cities, and not at all in the army^{[citation needed]} (it was in fact onmipresent^[47]). The violence of the Communist regime in Solzhenitsyn's view was in no way comparable to the violence of the Tsarist regime.

He considered it far-fetched to blame the catastrophes of the 20th century on one 16th century and one 18th century czar, when there were many other examples of violence which could have inspired the Bolshevik in other countries earlier in time, especially mentioning similarities with the Jacobins of the Reign of Terror of France.

Instead of blaming Russian conditions, he blamed the teachings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, arguing Marxism itself is violent. His conclusion is Communism will always be totalitarian and violent, wherever it is practiced. There was nothing special in the Russian conditions which affected the outcome.

He also criticized the view that the Soviet Union was Russian in any way. He argued Communism was international and only cared for nationalism as a tool to use when getting into power, or for fooling the people. Once in power, Communism tried to wipe clean every nation, destroying its culture and oppressing its people.

According to Solzhenitsyn, the Russian culture and people were not the ruling national culture in the Soviet Union. In fact, there was no ruling national culture. All national cultures were oppressed in favour of an atheistic Soviet culture. In Solzhenitsyn's opinion, Russian culture was even more oppressed than the smaller minority cultures, since the regime was more afraid of ethnic uprisings among Russians than among other peoples. Therefore, Solzhenitsyn argued, Russian nationalism and the Orthodox Church should not be regarded as a threat by the West but rather as allies.^[48]

In 1994, Solzhenitsyn said that many American politicians and publicists are frozen in a mode of thought they developed a long time ago. With unchanging blindness and stubbornness they keep repeating and repeating this theory about the supposed age-old aggressiveness of Russia, without taking into consideration today's reality.

Solzhenitsyn said that for every country, great power status deforms and harms the national character and that he has never wished great power status for Russia. He rejected the view that the USA and Russia are natural rivals, saying that before the [Russian] revolution, they were natural allies and that during the American Civil War, Russia supported Lincoln and the North [in contrast to Britain and France, which supported the Confederacy], and then they were allies in the First World War. But beginning with communism, Russia ceased to exist and the confrontation was not at all with Russia but with the Communist U.S.S.R.

[edit] World War II

Solzhenitsyn criticized the Allies for not opening a new front against Nazi Germany in the west earlier in World War II. This resulted in Soviet domination and oppression of the nations of Eastern Europe. Solzhenitsyn claimed the western democracies apparently cared little about how many died in the east, as long as they could end the war quickly and painlessly for themselves in the west. While stationed in East Prussia as an artillery officer, Solzhenitsyn witnessed war crimes against the civilian German population by Soviet "liberators" as the elderly were robbed of their meager possessions and women were gang-raped to death. He wrote a poem entitled "Prussian Nights" about these incidents. In it, the first-person narrator seems to approve of the troops' crimes as revenge for German atrocities, expressing his desire to take part in the plunder himself. The poem describes the rape of a Polish woman whom the Red Army soldiers mistakenly thought to be a German.^[49]

[edit] Stalinism

He also rejected the view that Stalin created the totalitarian state, while Lenin (and Trotsky) had been "true communists." He argued Lenin started the mass executions, wrecked the economy, founded the Cheka which would later be turned into the KGB, and started the Gulag even though it did not have the same name at that time.

[edit] Mikhail Sholokhov

Solzhenitsyn was the most prominent of the Nobel Laureate Mikhail Sholokhov's many detractors. He alleged that the work which made Sholokhov's international reputation, And Quiet Flows the Don was written by Fyodor Kryukov, a Cossack and Anti-Bolshevik, who died in 1920. Solzhenitsyn claimed that Sholokhov found the manuscript and published it under his own name. However, Sholokhov's manuscript was found by the Institute of World Literature of Russia's Academy of Sciences in 1999 with assistance from the Russian Government. An analysis of the novel unambiguously proved Sholokhov's authorship of the book. About 600 pages of the manuscript are written by Sholokhov's own hand while the rest were transcribed by his wife and sisers. ^[50]

[edit] The Sino-Soviet Conflict

In 1973, near the height of the Sino-Soviet conflict, Solzhenitsyn sent a Letter to the Soviet Leaders to a limited number of upper echelon Soviet officials. This work, which was published for the general public in the Western world a year after it was sent to its intended audience, beseeched the Soviet Union's authorities to

Give them their ideology! Let the Chinese leaders glory in it for a while. And for that matter, let them shoulder the whole sackful of unfulfillable international obligations, let them grunt and heave and instruct humanity, and foot all the bills for their absurd economics (a million a day just to Cuba), and let them support terrorists and guerrillas in the Southern Hemisphere too if they like. The main source of the savage feuding between us will then melt away, a great many points of today's contention and conflict all over the world will also melt away, and a military clash will become a much remoter possibility and perhaps won't take place at all [author's emphasis].^[51]

[edit] Vietnam war

Once in America, Solzhenitsyn urged the United States to continue its involvement in the Vietnam War. [4]

In his commencement address at Harvard University in 1978 (A World Split Apart), Solzhenitsyn alleged that many in the U.S. did not understand the Vietnam War. He rhetorically asks if the American antiwar proponents now realize the effects their actions had on Vietnam: "But members of the U.S. antiwar movement wound up being involved in the betrayal of Far Eastern nations, in a genocide and in the suffering today imposed on 30 million people there. Do those convinced pacifists hear the moans coming from there?"^[42]

During his time in the West, Solzhenitsyn made a few controversial public statements: notably, he characterized Daniel Ellsberg as a traitor.

[edit] Kosovo War

Solzhenitsyn strongly condemned the bombing of Yugoslavia during the Kosovo War, saying "there is no difference whatsoever between NATO and Hitler."^[52]

[edit] The Holodomor

Solzhenitsyn said that Ukrainian efforts to have the 1930s famine, the Holodomor, recognised as a Russian genocide against Ukraine is an act of historical revisionism.

In an interview with the newspaper Izvestia, he explained that the famine was caused by the corrupt ideals of the Communist regime, under which all suffered equally. It was not an assault by the Russian people against the people of Ukraine, and that the wish to view it as such is only a recent development.^[53]

This provocative outcry of genocide was voiced only decades later. At first, it thrived secretly in the stale chauvinist minds opposing the "bloody Russians". Now it has got hold of political minds in modern Ukraine. It seems they've surpassed the wild suggestions of the Bolshevik propaganda machine. "To the parliaments of the world" - a nice teaser for the Western ears. They have never cared about our history. All they need is a fable, no matter how loony it appears.

[edit] Western culture

...there also exists another alliance — at first glance a strange one, a surprising one—but if you think about it, in fact, one which is well — grounded and easy to understand. This is the alliance between our Communist leaders and your capitalists. This alliance is not new. The very famous Armand Hammer, who is flourishing here today, laid the basis for this when he made the first exploratory trip into Russia, still in Lenin's time, in the very first years of the Revolution.

And if today the Soviet Union has powerful military and police forces—in a country which is by contemporary standards poor—they are used to crush our movement for freedom in the Soviet Union—and we have western capital to thank for this also.

Testimony to the U.S. Congress, July 8, 1975.^[54]

Until I came to the West myself and spent two years looking around, I could never have imagined to what an extreme degree the West had actually become a world without a will, a world gradually petrifying in the face of the danger confronting it...All of us are standing on the brink of a great historical cataclysm, a flood that swallows up civilization and changes whole epochs.

[edit] Modern world

He described the problems of both East and West as "a disaster" rooted in atheism and Dechristianisation. He referred to it as "the calamity of an autonomous, irreligious humanistic consciousness."

It has made man the measure of all things on earth—imperfect man, who is never free of pride, self-interest, envy, vanity, and dozens of other defects. We are now paying for the mistakes which were not properly appraised at the beginning of the journey. On the way from the Renaissance to our days we have enriched our experience, but we have lost the concept of a Supreme Complete Entity which used to restrain our passions and our irresponsibility.^[42]

[edit] Published works and speeches

• One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962; novella)
• An Incident at Krechetovka Station (1963; novella)
• Matryona's Place (1963; novella)
• For the Good of the Cause (1964; novella)
• The First Circle (1968; novel)
• Cancer Ward (1968; novel)
• The Love-Girl and the Innocent (1969; play), aka The Prisoner and the Camp Hooker or The Tenderfoot and the Tart.
• Nobel Prize delivered speech (1970)The speech was delivered to the Swedish Academy in writing and not actually given as a lecture.
• August 1914 (1971). The beginning of a history of the birth of the USSR in an historical novel. The novel centers on the disastrous loss in the Battle of Tannenberg (1914) in August, 1914, and the ineptitude of the military leadership. Other works, similarly titled, follow the story: see The Red Wheel (overall title).
• The Gulag Archipelago (three volumes) (1973–1978), not a memoir, but a history of the entire process of developing and administering a police state in the Soviet Union.
• Prussian Nights (Finished in 1951, first published in 1974; poetry)
• Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's speech at the Nobel Banquet at the City Hall in Stockholm, December 10, 1974
• Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn, A Letter to the Soviet leaders, Collins: Harvill Press (1974), ISBN 0-06-013913-7
• The Oak and the Calf (1975)
• Lenin in Zürich (1976; separate publication of chapters on Lenin, none of them published before this point, from The Red Wheel. They were later incorporated into the 1984 edition of the expanded August, 1914.)
• Warning to the West (1976; 5 speeches (translated to English), 3 to the Americans in 1975 and 2 to the British in 1976)
• Harvard Commencement Address (1978) link
• The Mortal Danger: Misconceptions about Soviet Russia and the Threat to America (1980)
• Pluralists (1983; political pamphlet)
• November 1916 (1983; novel)
• Victory Celebration (1983)
• Prisoners (1983)
• Godlessness, the First Step to the Gulag. Templeton Prize Address, London, May 10 (1983)
• August 1914 (1984; novel, much-expanded edition)
• Rebuilding Russia (1990)
• March 1917 (1990)
• April 1917
• The Russian Question (1995)
• Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr (1997). Invisible Allies. Basic Books. ISBN 9781887178426. http://books.google.com/books?id=5yYBZ35HPo4C&dq. 
• Russia under Avalanche (Россия в обвале,1998; political pamphlet) Complete text in Russian
• Two Hundred Years Together (2003) on Russian-Jewish relations since 1772, aroused ambiguous public response. (^[55], ^[56], ^[57])

[edit] See also

• Alexander Dolgun
• Alexander Galich
• Mask of Sorrow
• Mikhail Sholokhov
• Lydia Chukovskaya

[edit] References

[edit] Notes

[edit] Bibliography

• Björkegren, Hans, and Kaarina Eneberg Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: A Biography, Henley-on-Thames: Aiden Ellis, 1973. ISBN 0-85628-005-4.
• Daprà Veronika: "A.I. Solzhenitsyn: The Political Writings." Università degli Studi di Venezia, 1991; Prof.Vittorio Strada, Dott.Julija Dobrovol'skaja;
• Guardian (London). August 3, 2008. [5]
• Moody, Christopher. Solzhenitsyn. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1973. ISBN 0-05-002600-3.
• Pontuso, James F., Assault on Ideology: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s Political Thought 2nd ed. Lanham, Md. Lexington Books, 2004. ISBN 978-0739105948
• Scammell, Michael Solzhenitsyn: A Biography. London: Paladin, 1986. ISBN 0-586-08538-6.
• Thomas, D.M.: Alexander Solzhenitsyn: A Century in his Life. New York 1998, St. Martin’s Press. ISBN 0312180365
• Victor A. Pogadaev. Solzhenitsyn: Tanpa Karyanya Sejarah Abad 20 Tak Terbayangkan - "Pentas", Jil. 3, Bil. 4 Oktober-Disember 2008. Kuala Lumpur, hlm. 60-63

[edit] External links

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

Wikinews has related news: Russian novelist Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn dies aged 89

• (Russian) The official site
• Obituary from The Economist
• The Nobel Prize in Literature 1970
• The Nobel Prize Internet Archive's page on Solzhenitsyn
• A World Split Apart: Solzhenitsyn's 1978 Commencement Address to the graduating class at Harvard University
  • Audio and textual version of speech
• Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: "Saving the Nation Is the Utmost Priority for the State" Moscow News May 2, 2006
• Der Spiegel interviews Alexander Solzhenitsyn: 'I Am Not Afraid of Death' Der Spiegel July 23, 2007
• (Russian) Solzhenicyn.ru - most informative site about Alexander Solzhenitsyn
• Vermont Recluse Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
• Solzhenitsyn’s autobiography from his non-official site
• The introduction to the Book Gulag by Anne Applebaum
• Russian Memorial website to Human Rights victims
• (Russian) Solzhenitsyn: biography, photos, prose, interviews, critical essays
• Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn - Obituary and public tribute
• The Solzhenitsyn Reader: New and Essential Writings, 1947-2005
• Alexander Solzhenitsyn's Profile
• Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn at the Internet Book List
• Solzhenitsyn: Life in Cavendish Richard Svec, Town Manager of Cavendish, VT, speaks of Solzhenitsyn. Audio. August 5, 2008

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Persondata
NAME	Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr
ALTERNATIVE NAMES	Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isayevich; Алекса́ндр Иса́евич Солжени́цын (Russian)
SHORT DESCRIPTION	Russian novelist, dramatist and historian
DATE OF BIRTH	December 11, 1918
PLACE OF BIRTH	Kislovodsk, Russia
DATE OF DEATH	August 3, 2008
PLACE OF DEATH	Moscow, Russia